AN  OPEN  LETTER 

TO 

MINISTERS  OF  THE  GOSPEL 


Trades  unionism  aims  to  afford  the  workers  an  opportunity 
to  appreciate  a liberal  proportion  of  the  desirable  things  of  life; 
it  quickens  their  intellects  by  giving  them  the  means,  time,  and 
opportunity  for  mind  culture;  it  gives  them  something  for  which 
to  be  truly  thankful,  and  its  entire  programme  prepares  the  way 
for  the  enlivenment  of  spirituality. 

It  does  more.  Thousands  of  children,  emancipated  from  the 
grind  of  the  mine,  the  mill,  and  the  workshop,  through  its  efforts 
are  blessed  today,  and  myriads  of  childish  voices  will  be  raised 
in  loud  hosannas  in  the  future  proclaiming  their  redemption 
from  a condition  that  stunted  life  and  menaced  coming  genera- 
tions. The  children  are  one  of  the  special  cares  of  the  labor 
union;  their  salvation  from  industrial  slavery  during  their  tender 
years  will  make  it  possible  for  them  to  become  strong  men  and 
women,  intellectually,  physically,  and  spiritually.  In  this  the 
unions  are  obeying  the  command  of  Him  who  said:  “Inasmuch 
as  ye  have  done  it  unto  one  of  the  least  of  these  my  brethren,  ye 
have  done  it  unto  me;”  “Suffer  little  children,  and  forbid  them 
not,  to  come  unto  me;  for  of  such  is  the  kingdom  of  Heaven/ ’ 

The  women  are  another  special  care  of  the  trades  union,  and 
their  interests  are  zealously  guarded  by  the  organizations  of  the 
workers.  For  them  is  demanded  all  the  conditions  that  will  en- 
able them  to  live  “unspotted  from  the  world,’ ’ so  that  future 
generations  will  rise  up  and  call  them  blessed. 

Our  cause  is  built  on  the  strong,  broad  foundation  of  human- 
ity. Our  doors  are  open  and  our  hands  always  outstretched 
in  welcome  to  the  humblest  and  oppressed  of  earth.  Our  mission 
is  the  redemption  of  the  workers  from  the  bondage  of  industrial 
slavery,  and  we  welcome  the  co-operation  of  all  lovers  of  man- 
kind. 

Like  all  great  reform  movements,  trades  unionism  has  had 
and  has  many  bitter  opponents.  It  is  continually  reviled  and 
maligned  in  the  most  opprobrious  manner.  Its  icpresentatives 


2 


are  caiuminated  and  often  persecuted.  All  great  advanced  relig- 
ious movements  have  encountered  like  experiences.  The  early 
Christian  Church  encountered  fearful  opposition.  Its  Founder 
“was  despised  and  rejected  of  men,”  and  died  the  death  of  a 
common  malefactor.  His  followers  were  accused  of  all  manner 
of  heinous  crimes,  and  martyrdom  was  their  common  inheritance. 
Other  religious  societies  met  similar  experiences,  as  did  scientists 
and  other  advanced  thinkers,  whose  only  crime  was  a desire  to 
advance  the  interests  of  society  and  mankind  in  general. 

At  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances  have  many  honest 
but  non-inquiring  minds  been  deceived  by  unwarranted  attacks 
and  become  unwittingly  poisoned  against  a cause  built  upon  the 
broadest  possible  foundation  of  humanity. 

Trades  unionism  is  accused  of  tyranny  and  lawlessness.  Its 
opponents  are  alwTays  active.  The  public  press  and  every  avail- 
able channel  of  publicity  is  used  to  hurl  their  defiances  and  de- 
nunciations broadcast  against  the  labor  unions  and  their  repre- 
sentatives. Faults  of  an  individual  are  always  the  signal  for  an 
attack  upon  the  organization,  and  the  officials  of  the  unions  are 
accused  of  inciting,  aiding,  and  abetting  crime.  The  position  of 
the  opponents  of  organized  labor  and  of  those  who  support  and 
believe  in  such  a policy  is  not  only  ridiculous,  but  unjust.  If  the 
same  attitude  was  displayed  in  other  cases,  or  did  the  unionists 
retaliate  and  use  the  same  policy,  a continual  cry  would  go  up 
for  the  destruction  and  abolition  of  banks,  churches,  and  organi- 
zations of  ever}'  description  by  reason  of  the  mistakes,  faults,  and 
ofttimes  misdemeanors  of  some  of  their  members. 

It  is  really  a virtue  of  theirs  that  the  labor  unions  do  not 
retaliate,  but  have  been  exceedingly  long-suffering  in  this  matter, 
inasmuch  as  the  offenses  proven  against  even  their  individual 
members  are  outnumbered  a hundred  per  cent  or  more  by  many 
business,  mercantile,  fraternal,  and  even  religious  organizations. 
It  is  not  just  to  judge  an  organization  by  the  misdeeds  of  some  of 
its  members.  Its  desirable  achievements,  its  efforts  in  behalf  of 
worthy  objects,  and  its  ideals  are  better  measures  of  judgment. 

The  record  of  trades  unionism  speaks  for  itself,  and  while 
it  has  many  opponents,  it  has  had  and  has  many  defenders,  among 
them  a goodly  proportion  of  the  great  of  our  land,  some  of  whom 
have  passed  away,  while  others  still  live,  raising  their  voices  and 
contributing  their  support  in  the  promulgation  of  its  doctrines. 
Trades  unionism,  in  seeking  to  establish  the  “Brotherhood  of 
Man,”  is  a mighty  factor  in  perpetuating  the  belief  in  the 
“Fatherhood  of  God.” 


&ci<bYato 


3 


33 1 

THE  LABOR  UNION  NOT  THE  LABOR  QUESTION 

It  is  sometimes  forgotten  that  the  labor  union  is  not  the  labor 
question.  If  every  labor  union  in  existence  was  wiped  out,  the 
labor  question  would  still  be  present,  and  that,  too,  in  more  aggra- 
vated form  than  it  is  toda}^  It  can  not  be  denied  that  unionism 
has  brought  nearer  a solution  of  the  industrial  problem.  It  is 
easier  and  more  satisfactory  to  deal  with  men  collectively..than 
to  attempt  to  deal  with  them  as  individuals.  As  a matter  of  fact, 
in  this  day  of  great  corporate  interest,  individual  contracting  has 
practically  gone  out  of  practice.  Furthermore,  if  workingmen 
were  to  be  denied  the  right  to  organize  and  to  elect  representa- 
tives to  care  for  their  interests,  such  denial  could  only  result  in  a 
state  of  individualism  which  would  end  in  chaos  and  anarchy.  It 
is  the  fact  that  this  right  still  belongs  to  them  that  makes  our 
American  life  so  free  from  so-called  anarchistic  propaganda,  and 
which  accounts  for  small  response  on  the  part  of  the  American 
workingmen  to  such  appeals.  It  seems  almost  superfluous  to  add 
that  trades  unionism  does  not  indorse  the  plea  for  the  disruption 
of  our  American  form  of  government.  Nowhere  can  be  found 
more  loyal  citizens  than  in  the  ranks  of  organized  labor. 

THE  RIGHT  TO  PROTEST 

We  are  not  opposed  to  employers’  associations  that  are  or- 
ganized for  the  purpose  of  safeguarding  the  interests  of  their 
members,  but  we  deplore  “union-smashing”  alliances  of  any  kind 
that  deny  the  same  right  to  us.  We  wrould  respectfully  suggest 
that  Ministers  of  the  Gospel,  who  are  associated  with  such  organ- 
izations, are  identified  with  societies  to  whose  membership  an 
adherent  of  organized  labor,  who  believes  in  strikes,  is  not  eligible, 
and  that  in  the  line-up  which  is  taking  place  between  capital  and. 
labor,  these  Ministers  seem  to  be  against  us.  There  are  times 
when  a strike  is  justifiable.  God'  Help  us  it  the  day  should  ever 
come  when  the  right  to  protest  is  denied  the  workingman.  In 
so  far  as  these  organizations  stand  for  law  and  order,  we  are 
i'with  them,  but  in  their  present  attitude,  which  only  makes  for 
^class  distinctions,  class  privileges,  and,  as  a result,  class  hatred, 
^we  are  diametrically  opposed  to  them. 

THE  EMPLOYERS'  “WALKING  DELEGATE" 

The  manager  or  superintendent  of  a great  corporation  who 
refuses  to  deal  with  the  elected  representatives  of  the  trades  union 
who  may  not  be  in  the  employ  of  the  corporation  does  not  seem 


4 


to  realize  that  he  himself  is  the  elected  or  appointed  representa- 
tive of  a number  of  stockholders,  thus  practically  becoming  the 
business  agent  or  ‘ ‘walking  delegate”  of  his  corporation.  Taking 
human  nature  as  one  finds  it,  it  would  be  only  natural  for  that 
superintendent  to  be  prejudiced  against  the  workman  who,  rep- 
resenting his  fellow-employes,  dared  to  present  a grievance  in 
their  behalf.  To  avoid  this  unpleasant  and  almost  inevitable  dis- 
crimination, organized  labor  prefers  to  appoint  to  this  difficult 
task  a man  who  can  not  be  touched  by  the  corporation  because 
of  his  aggressive  interest  in  behalf  of  its  employes. 

SOME  GENERAL  MISCONCEPTIONS 

Certain  misconceptions  in  regard  to  the  position  taken  by 
the  trades  unions  on  the  question  of  equal  earnings  for  all  work- 
men, the  color  line,  a ‘ ‘labor  trust,”  and  labor-saving  machinery 
have  made  it  difficult  for  many  Ministers  to  declare  for  organized 
labor.  For  the  benefit  of  such  we  would  respectfully  submit  the 
following  statements: 

EQUAL  EARNINGS  FOR  ALL  WORKMEN 

The  unions  do  not  demand  equal  earnings  for  all  workmen, 
thus  reducing  the  skilled  workmen  to  the  level  of  the  lowest. 
They  do  insist  that  a minimum  or  living  wage  be  paid;  but  there 
is  nothing  in  the  laws  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  or 
any  of  its  affiliated  unions  that  prevents  an  employer  from  pay- 
ing any  employe  as  much  as  he  pleases.  Nor  in  connection  with 
this  do  the  unions  insist  upon  the  employment  of  incompetent 
men.  Where  agreements  exist,  the  employer  can  hire  any  man 
he  pleases  in  compliance  with  the  terms  of  the  agreement.  Where 
no  agreement  exists,  the  union  exercises  no  jurisdiction  in  the 
matter,  but  in  either  case  the  employer  has  every  right  to  dis- 
charge the  incompetent,  shiftless  employe. 


NO  COLOR  LINE 

The  American  Federation  of  Labor  does  not  draw  the  color 
line,  nor  do  its  affiliated  national  and  international  unions.  A 
union  that  does  can  not  be  admitted  into  affiliation  with  this  body. 
A portion  of  the  pledge  taken  .by  every  candidate  for  membership 
reads:  ”1  promise  never  to  discriminate  against  a fellow- worker 
on  account  of  color,  creed,  or  nationality.”  Colored  men  are 


5 


sometimes  rejected,  but  there  is  no  discrimination  in  such  cases, 
as  white  men  are  more  often  treated  in  a like  manner.  Even 
in  the  South,  where  race  hatred  is  so  prevalent,  the  negroes 
have  been  admitted  into  the  trades  unions,  while  they  have  been 
barred  from  other  organizations  that  are  antagonistic  to  organ- 
ized labor.  The  color  barriers  have  been  broken  down  by  labor 
unions,  and  not  his  color,  but  his  character,  bars  the  negro  v>dien 
he  is  barred. 

LABOR-SAVING  MACHINERY 

Trades  unionism  does  not  antagonize  labor-saving  machinery. 
It  welcomes  all  such  innovations.  It  does  believe,  however,  that 
such  machinery  was  intended  to  be  a blessing,  and  in  order  that 
it  may  not  become  a curse,  a shorter  workday  is  advocated,  so 
that  a gigantic  proportion  of  labor  shall  not  be  displaced  and  thus 
become  sufferers  instead  of  recipients  of  some  of  the  benefits 
gained  by  modern  invention. 

NOT  A “LABOR  TRUST" 

Trades  unionism  is  not  a “labor  trust/’  A trust  excludes 
the  many  for  the  benefit  of  the  few.  Trades  unionism  opens  wide 
its  door  to  every  workingman  in  the  craft,  frequently  reducing  or 
abrogating  the  initiation  fee  in  order  to  make  it  easier  for  the 
candidate.  A trust  is  a close  corporation;  a trades  union  dili- 
gently seeks  new  members.  Its  officers  are  not  high-salaried  offi- 
cials. They  are  usually  underpaid,  when  one  considers  the  char- 
acter of  the  work  and  the  other  demands  which  are  made  upon 
them.  The  business  agent  of  a labor  union  receives  as  his  salary 
only  the  rate  of  wages  which  prevails  in  his  craft.  The  interna- 
tional officers,  who  carry  great  responsibilities,  which  demand 
executive  ability  of  a high  order,  receive  only  what  is  paid  an 
ordinary  clerk  in  the  office  of  a corporation.  It  will  be  interest- 
ing to  note  that  the  term  “walking  delegate”  had  its  origin  in  the 
action  of  a New  York  labor  union  which  refused  to  pay  the  car 
fare  of  its  business  agent. 

The  ‘ ‘walking  delegate’  ’ does  not  have  unlimited  power  in  the 
matter  of  calling  a strike.  The  men  do  not  blindly  follow  his 
dictates.  The  business  agent  can  order  a strike  only  when  the 
question  has  been  voted  upon  by  the  members  of  the  union.  He 
then  simply  ANNOUNCES  the  strike.  Sometimes  he  is  given 
power  to  order  a strike  by  the  men  themselves,  in  an  extraordi- 
nary case,  but  even  under  such  circumstances  the  action  must  be 
indorsed  by  those  directly  concerned.  It  is  not  his  business  to 


6 


“stir  up  trouble”  for  peaceably  inclined  workingmen.  He  is  con- 
sidered the  most  successful  business  agent  who  keeps  his  men  at 
work.  Frequently  he  winks  at  open  violations  of  stipulated  agree- 
ments on  the  part  of  the  employer,  in  order  to  prevent  a strike. 
He  is  really  the  “pastor”  of  his  union.  He  visits  the  sick,  he  finds 
work  for  the  unemployed,  he  cares  for  those  in  distress  of  any 
kind. 

CHARACTER  OF  LABOR  LEADERS 

The  officials  of  organized  labor  are  men  of  unquestioned 
character.  As  in  all  other  organizations,  undesirable  men  will  at 
times  succeed  in  securing  an  office,  but  in  the  great  democratic 
labor  movement  such  men  can  be  easily  removed,  and  are  re- 
moved. Character,  stability,  perseverance,  and  unselfishness  are 
essential  qualities  in  the  men  who  retain  official  positions  in  a 
labor  union.  Many  of  these  officials,  business  agents,  local  offi- 
cials, and  officials  of  national  and  international  unions  are  mem- 
bers and  officers  in  the  various  churches.  Moreover,  their  efforts 
as  unionists  are  directed  to  secure  improved  temporal  conditions 
for  the  workers  that  will  make  it  possible  for  them  to  direct  their 
attention  to  things  ideal,  beautiful,  spiritual. 

MEMBERSHIP  OF  TRADE  UNIONS. 

It  has  been  and  is  now  asserted  that  labor  unions  admit 
immoral  and  even  vicious  men  to  membership.  The  charge  is 
malicious.  Trades  unions  have  character  qualifications,  and  men 
are  required  to  be  “sober,  steady,  and  industrious  workmen” 
before  membership  can  be  gained.  It  would  be  foolish  to  assert 
that  the  trades  unions  did  not  have  immoral  or  even  vicious  mem- 
bers, but  not  to  a greater  extent  than  other  organizations  that 
are  supposed  to  have  a higher  standard  of  ethics. 

It  is  unqualifiedly  true  that  trades  unions  have  been  and  are 
directing  their  efforts  to  bring  into  their  ranks  importations  from 
other  countries  that  are  not  always  considered  desirable.  But  it 
must  be  admitted  that  the  employers,  and  not  the  trades  union- 
ists, are  responsible  for  the  presence  of  this  class  of  labor  in  our 
country.  The  employers  brought  them  here.  If  they  are  good 
enough  to  be  brought  here  and  employed  for  profit  by  the  em- 
ployers, and  the  opponents  of  organized  labor,  who  profess  a high 
order  of  morality  and  good  citizenship,  then  it  follows  as  a natural 
sequence  that  they  must  be  good  enough  for  us  to  try  and  organize 
them  in  trades  unions,  and  thus  protect  themselves,  help  and 
receive  help  for  man’s  social  and  moral  uplift. 


7 


It  is  not  fair  to  condemn  the  trades  union  and  trades  union- 
ist. It  is  not  fair  to  always  judge  them  by  their  worst,  when  all 
other  institutions  and  their  devotees  are  judged  by  their  best. 


THE  “CLOSED”  SHOP 

The  principle  of  the  so-called  "closed  shop”  is  accepted  in 
everyday  business  life;  why  may  not  an  organization  of  working- 
men similarly  make  a bargain  with  an  organization  of  employers  ? 

The  dealer  will  agree  with  the  manufacturer  to  handle  only 
a certain  kind  of  goods.  This  is  considered  perfectly  legitimate. 
Why  does  it  seem  unconstitutional  when  precisely  the  same  bar- 
gain is  entered  into  between  the  employer  and  his  employes? 
The  labor  union  says  to  the  employer:  “We  will  agree  to  furnish 
you  with  competent  men  at  so  much  per  day.  We  can  control 
the  men  in  our  organization.  They  will  abide  by  the  contract 
that  we  shall  make.  We  can  not  control  the  men  who  are  outside 
of  our  organization,  so  we  ask  you  to  employ  only  our  men,  thus 
making  your  shop  a union  shop.  If  these  outside  men  will  agree 
to  make  the  same  contract  with  you  that  we  have  made,  we  shall 
be  glad  to  have  them  come  into  our  organization,  thus  giving 
them  the  same  privilege  that  we  enjoy.” 

The  average  employer  who  fights  so  strenuously  for  the 
"God-given  right”  of  the  non-union  workingman  to  exercise  his 
privilege  of  remaining  out  of  the  union  if  he  so  desires,  declaring 
that  his  shop  must  be  an  "open  shop”  for  free  men,  will  usually 
debar  the  man  who  exercised  the  same  God-given  right  by  becom- 
ing a member  of  the  trades  union,  so  that  practically  his  boasted 
"open  shop”  policy  means  a "closed  shop”  to  the  unionist. 


WHY  LABOR  UNIONS  ARE  NOT  INCORPORATED 

But,  it  may  be  argued,  the  trades  union  is  unincorporated,  so 
that  an  employer  can  not  hold  it  to  its  contract,  while  he  himself 
is  liable  to  damages.  This  is  not  true.  It  is  well  known  that  an 
unincorporated  concern  can  neither  sue  nor  be  sued,  so  that  both 
the  employer  and  the  trades  union  are  on  an  equality  before  the 
law  in  this  respect.  Furthermore,  if  the  trades  union  was  to 
become  incorporated  it  would  be  a comparatively  easy  matter  for 
an  unscrupulous  employer  to  hire  a spy  to  commit  an  act  of  law- 
lessness which  would  involve  the  destruction  of  property  whereby 
the  entire  union  would  become  involved.  A successful  suit  for 


8 


damages  would  practically  disrupt  the  organization.  If  all  em- 
ployers were  absolutely  honest,  the  incorporation  of  the  union 
might  be  insisted  upon;  but  for  the  reason  given  above  organized 
labor  is  naturally  cautious  about  taking  a step  which  would  bring 
it  practically  no  advantage,  while  it  w7ould  lay  itself  open  to  the 
assaults  of  its  enemies. 

The  right  to  run  one’s  business  “as  he  pleases”  must  have  its 
limitations.  Great  changes  in  the  conception  of  personal  and 
property  rights  have  come  as  part  of  the  democratic  evolution. 
In  some  respects  a man  can  run  his  business  as  he  pleases,  but  in 
other  respects  public  opinion,  and  frequently  public  law,  steps  in 
and  limits  his  exclusive  control.  In  the  matter  of  employment  it 
is  being  recognized  that  there  are  two  parties  instead  of  one.  A 
man  may  do  as  he  pleases  only  in  so  far  as  that  liberty  does  not 
injure  the  well-being  of  his  fellow-man.  One  may  not  set  fire 
to  his  own  house,  nor  may  he  sell  cigarettes  or  whiskey,  in  some 
States,  because  the  exercise  of  that  privilege  might  injure  some- 
body. 


RELATION  OF  THE  LABOR  UNION  TO  THE  NON- 
UNION MAN 

The  non-union  man,  by  accepting  lower  wages  and  longer 
hours,  sets  up  the  standard  of  living  for  the  entire  craft.  He 
may  degrade  the  men  who  required  years  of  hard  work  to  bring 
themselves  up  to  their  present  social  and  economic  level.  It  is 
because  of  this  fact  that  workingmen  object  so  strongly  to  Chi- 
nese and  Japanese  immigration  Blit  what  about  the  non-union 
man  who  demands  and  receives  everything  that  the  unionists  ask 
for?  Surely,  if  may  be  said,  he  is  not  degrading  the  working- 
men. That  may  be  true,  for  the  present.  The  time  may  come, 
however,  when  the  wrorkingmen  of  his  craft  may  have  a griev- 
ance which  will  require  a united  protest  against  the  unfair  treat- 
ment of  the  employer.  Outside  of  the  organization,  that  non- 
union man  may  become  a menace  to  our  interests,  even  though  he 
is  receiving  union  wages  and  working  union  hours.  He  may  be 
used  against  us.  Furthermore,  he  is  receiving  the  benefit  of  the 
years  of  sacrifice  and  hardship  of  his  fellow-w7orkmen  without 
assuming  any  of  the  obligations  of  the  union.  He  is  quite  willing 
to  have  others  fight  his  battles,  without  subjecting  himself  to  the 
perils  of  the  warfare,  and  frequently  his  “conscientious  scruples” 
against  joining  the  labor  union  consist  simply  of  an  unwilling- 
ness to  assume  these  obligations. 


9 


“LIMITATION  OF  OUTPUT” 

Limitation  of  output  is  sometimes  urged  against  the  trades 
union.  This  is  untrue,  but  practically  no  attention  is  given  the 
regular  meetings  of  manufacturers  and  dealers  in  which  they 
openly  discuss  and  agree  upon  prices  and  the  limitation  of  their 
product  in  order  to  maintain  these  prices.  This  applies  to  prac- 
tically every  great  corporation.  In  some  industries  the  producer 
will  cut  off  the  supply  of  the  dealer  if  he  sells  the  product  cheaper 
than  the  price  demanded.  Meanwhile  the  same  concern  will  in- 
sist on  the  workingman’s  right  to  sell  HIS  labor  for  whatever 
price  HE  pleases.  Every  storekeeper  despises  the  merchant  who 
cuts  his  prices,  but  he  will  usually  defend  the  workingman  who 
cuts  his. 

We  are  sometimes  accused  of  limiting  the  number  of  ap- 
prentices in  a particular  shop.  But  we  have  been  compelled  to 
resort  to  this  measure  at  times  because  some  employers  have  filled 
their  shops  with  boys,  who  were  frequently  kept  at  work  on  a 
particular  machine  or  on  the  same  kind  of  special  work,  which 
enabled  them  to  earn  a man’s  wages  in  a year  or  two,  thus  not 
only  depriving  the  full-fledged  mechanic  of  his  position,  but,  at 
the  end  of  his  apprenticeship,  the  young  man  found  himself  a 
* ‘specialist,”  unable  to  pursue  his  craft  as  a journeyman,  and 
therefore  replaced  by  another  boy,  who  would  pass  through  the 
same  experience. 

In  the  matter  of  piecework,  when  the  employers  found  that 
by  hard  spurts  their  employes  could  earn  a little  more  than  was 
customary,  it  frequently  happened  that  a reduction  was  ordered 
in  the  piecework  price,  so  that  soon  this  system  in  many  trades 
became  “the  pace  that  kills.” 

In  practically  every  instance  where  the  rules  of  the  labor 
union  seem  unjust  or  tyrannical  we  have  been  compelled,  in  self- 
-defense, to  establish  such  laws  as  would  guarantee  us  some  pro- 
ection  against  further  encroachment  by  unscrupulous  employers. 

The  extra  five  minutes  at  the  end  of  the  day  in  order  to 
“finish  a job,”  became  a regular  thing,  and  soon  it  lengthened  into 
a quarter  of  an  hour  or  longer,  while  frequently  a protest  brought 
only  abuse.  Hence,  the  apparently  arbitrary  ruling  that  under 
no  circumstances  must  a man  work  beyond  the  time  limit. 

MORAL  AND  ETHICAL  VALUE. 

The  labor  union  has  an  ethical  value  which  is  rarely  appre- 
ciated. Labor  halls  have  become  social  centers.  Frequently 


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helpful  lecture  courses  are  given.  Social  features,  uplifting  in 
character,  are  often  supported.  The  labor  press  educates  the 
trades  unionist  in  technical  matters,  presents  higher  ideals,  and 
urges  better  living. 

There  is  a moral  value  in  the  regular  meetings  of  the  union. 
A man  soon  realizes  that  he  can  not  force  a particular  measure 
upon  his  associates.  He  must  possess  the  facts  and  present  them. 
Every  man  has  a fair  chance  to  present  his  views,  no  matter  how 
unpopular  he  or  they  may  be.  He  learns  the  lesson  of  subordi- 
nation to  the  will  of  others,  which  is  always  a good  discipline. 
He  learns  the  value  of  brotherhood,  of  co-operation,  of  “team- 
work.” He  is  sometimes  called  upon  to  make  real  sacrifices  for 
the  sake  of  his  fellows.  It  frequently  happens  when  it  becomes 
known  that  a member  of  a labor  union  who  has  run  into  debt 
desires  to  “skip  the  town”  that  his  union  will  withhold  his 
traveling  card  until  his  debts  are  paid. 

Very  little  has  been  said  to  the  public  about  the  millions  of 
dollars  which  have  been  expended  in  sick  and  death  benefits  by 
trades  unions.  Rarely  does  a trades  unionist  apply  to  the  charity 
organization  society,  or  any  other  society,  for  aid. 

Organized  labor  has  done  much  for  the  cause  of  temperance 
among  workingmen.  There  is  probably  no  purely  philanthropic 
organization  which  has  done  more  in  this  direction.  In  many  in- 
stances there  is  a prohibition  clause  in  the  contract  with  the  em- 
ployer. The  rules  of  the  union  declare  that  an  injured  man  will 
not  receive  the  weekly  sick  benefit  if  the  injury  was  sustained 
while  he  was  intoxicated.  More  and  more  labor  union  meetings 
are  being  held  in  halls  which  are  free  from  saloons.  Rarely  do 
they  meet  on  Sunday. 


TRADES  UNIONISM  AND  THE  IMMIGRANT 

Trades  unionism  is  doing  more  to  Americanize  the  immi- 
grant than  any  other  institution,  not  excepting  the  church, 
according  to  the  United  States  Labor  Commissioner  in  the 
bimonthly  report  issued  January,  1905.  It  is  teaching  him  the 
nature  of  the  American  form  of  government.  In  the  old  country 
the  word  “government”  meant  oppression.  He  soon  understands 
that  here  it  means  “friend.”  In  the  labor  union  he  gets  away 
from  his  clannish  instinct,  which  even  his  religion  has  not  here- 
tofore been  able  to  accomplish. 

Organized  labor  has  done  much  for  the  abolition  of  child 
labor,  for  the  doing  away  of  the  sweatshop,  unsanitary  conditions 


11 


in  the  shop  and  tenement,  and  the  long  hours,  which  left  the 
workingman  no  time  for  mental  or  moral  improvement.  We 
realize  that  isolated  cases  may  be  cited  which  seem  to  disprove 
some  of  the  above  statements,  but  the  principles  presented  are 
those  for  which  organized  labor  as  a whole  stands. 

For  these  reasons  we  ask  for  a fair  consideration  of  our 
cause,  and  we  earnestly  seek  your  co-operation  in  our  desire  to 
improve  the  condition  of  the  toiling  masses,  because  we  believe 
that  in  these  things  we  have  much  in  common. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS-URBANA 


3 0112  061964216 


ISSUED  BY 

THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

801-809  G Street  N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


SAMUEL  GOMPERS,  President 
FRANK  MORRISON.  Secretary 


